Yukio Hatoyama: ‘My Political Philosophy’ - Think Kagawa　賀川豊彦を考える

　民主党代表、鳩山由紀夫氏の「友愛政治」が８月13日のフィナンシャルタイムズに掲載されました。「友愛」をBrotherhood ではなく、fraternityとしています。

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Published: August 13 2009 17:14 | Last updated: August 13 2009 17:14

Translated extracts from My Political Philosophy by Yukio Hatoyama, published in the latest edition of the Japanese journal Voice

On yuai or fraternity

“What I am referring to is fraternity, as in liberté, égalité, fraternité, the slogan of the French revolution. When my grandfather Ichiro Hatoyama translated one of the works of Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi into Japanese, he rendered the word fraternity as “yuai”…Therefore, when I refer to yuai, I am not referring to something tender but rather to a strong, combative concept that was a banner of revolution

“In 1935, Count Coudenhove-Kalergi published The Totalitarian State against Man. The work includes severe criticisms of Soviet communism and Nazism as well as the reflections on the self-indulgence of capitalism in leaving such ideologies to flourish. Coudenhove-Kalergi believed that freedom forms the foundation of human dignity and that it is therefore unsurpassed in value. In order to guarantee freedom, he advocated a system of private ownership. However, he was despondent at how the severe social inequalities produced by capitalism had helped give rise to communism by creating an environment in which people aspired to equality, and also at how this had resulted in the emergence of national socialism as an alternative to both capitalism and communism.

“Although freedom and equality are important for human beings, if they are followed to fundamentalist extremes, they can both result in immeasurable horrors. Therefore, Coudenhove-Kalergi recognised the necessity of a concept that could achieve a balance and maintain respect for humanity. That is what he sought in the idea of fraternity.

“While fighting against the growing influence of the socialist and communist parties, Ichiro Hatoyama used word yuai (fraternity) as a banner in trying to bring down the bureaucrat-led government of Shigeru Yoshida and replace it with his own administration of party politicians.

“When I saw the collapse of the totalitarian regimes that both Coudenhove-Kalergi and my grandfather Ichiro Hatoyama had opposed, I redefined my understanding of fraternity as ‘the principle of independence and coexistence’”.

On US-led market fundamentalism

“(Over the past 13 years) post-cold war Japan has been continually buffeted by the winds of market fundamentalism in a US-led movement which is more usually called globalisation. Freedom is supposed to be the highest of all values but in the fundamentalist pursuit of capitalism, which can be described as ‘freedom formalised in economic terms’, has resulted in people being treated not as an end but as a means… In these times, I realised that we must once again remember the role for fraternity identified by Coudenhove-Kalergi as a force for the moderating the danger inherent within freedom. I came to a decision that we must once again raise the banner of fraternity.

“In our present times, fraternity can be described as a principle that aims to adjust to the excesses of the current globalised brand of capitalism and make adjustments to accommodate the local economic practices that have been fostered through our traditions.”

On postal privatisation

“If we look back on the changes in Japanese society that have occurred since the end of the Cold War, I believe it is no exaggeration to say that the global economy has damaged traditional economic activities and market fundamentalism has destroyed local communities. For example, the decision to privatise Japan's post office placed far too little weight on the institution’s long history and the traditional role that its staff held in the local community. It also ignored the non-economic benefits of the Post Office and its value in the community. The logic of the market was used to justify taking such a drastic step.”

On protecting people and industries from globalism

“Under the principle of fraternity, we will not implement policies that leave economic activities in areas relating to human lives and safety, such as agriculture, the environment and medicine, at the mercy of the tides of globalism… Our responsibility as politicians is to refocus our attention on those non-economic values that have been thrown aside by the march of globalism.

“Over recent years, Japan's traditional public services have been eroded. The ties that bring people together have become weaker and the spirit of public service has also dimmed… Politics based on ‘fraternity’ would restore strength to Japan's depleted non-profit (public service) sector. It would expand the non-profit sector into new areas and provide assistance for the people who support these activities. In this way, we aim to build a society of coexistence in which people can rediscover the ties that bring them together, help each other, and find meaning and fulfilment in performing a useful social role.”

On fiscal consolidation

“It is of course true that Japan is currently facing a fiscal crisis. However, ‘fraternal politics’ aims cautiously yet steadily for the path that will achieve both the restructuring of government finances and the rebuilding of our welfare systems. We reject the Ministry of Finance-led theory of fiscal reconstruction that relies on the imposition of uniform restrictions on, or the abolishment of, social welfare payments and which seeks to take shortcuts by raising consumption tax. Japan's current fiscal crisis is the result of long years of mismanagement by the Liberal Democratic Party. More specifically, it is a reflection of the crisis affecting Japan's economic society which stems from the bureaucrat-led system of centralised government and the indiscriminate spending facilitated by that system, from the social safety net collapse and greater inequality of wealth that results from an uncritical faith in globalism and finally, from the public loss of faith in politics following unhealthy collusion between government, civil service and industry. Therefore, I believe that it will be impossible to overcome Japan's fiscal crisis without devolving power to local authorities, implementing thorough administrative reform and restoring public trust in the sustainability of social security systems, particularly pensions. In other words, resolving our fiscal problems is impossible without comprehensively rebuilding Japan's political systems.”

On devolution and the EU example

“In response to the conflicting demands of globalism and localization, the European Union has advocated the principle of subsidiarity in the Maastricht Treaty and The European Charter of Local Self-Government…. As we search for ways to modernise the concept of fraternity, we find ourselves naturally arriving at the idea of a nation based on regional devolution built upon the principle of subsidiarity…The only way for regions to achieve autonomy, self responsibility and the competence to make their own decisions is to transfer a wide range of resources and significant power to the local authorities which are in closest contact with citizens, an approach which also clarifies the relationship between citizens’ burdens and the services they receive. This approach will facilitate the invigoration of local economic activities. It is also a path towards the construction a more distinctive, appealing and beautiful Japan.”

On East Asian integration

“Another national goal that emerges from the concept of fraternity is the creation of an East Asian community. Off course, Japan-US Security Pact will continue to be the cornerstone of Japanese diplomatic policy. Unquestionably, the Japan-US relationship is an important pillar of our diplomacy. However, at the same time, we must not forget our identity as a nation located in Asia. I believe that the East Asian region, which is showing increasing vitality in its economic growth and even closer mutual ties, must be recognised as Japan's basic sphere of being.”

On the end of US-led globalisation

“The recent financial crisis has suggested to many people that the era of American unilateralism may come to an end. It has also made people harbour doubts about the permanence of the dollar as the key global currency. I also feel that as a result of the failure of the Iraq war and the financial crisis, the era of the US-led globalism is coming to an end and that we are moving away from a unipolar world led by the US towards an era of multipolarity.”

On the rise of China and regional integration

“Although the influence of the US is declining, the US will remain the world's leading military and economic power for the next two to three decades. Current developments show clearly that China, which has by far the world’s largest population, will become one of the world's leading economic nations, while also continuing to expand its military power. The size of China's economy will surpass that of Japan in the not too distant future. How should Japan maintain its political and economic independence and protect its national interest when caught between the United States, which is fighting to retain its position as the world's dominant power, and China which is seeking ways to become one? The future international environment surrounding Japan does not seem to be easy. This is a question of concern not only to Japan but also to the small and medium-sized nations in Asia. They want the military power of the US to function effectively for the stability of the region but want to restrain US political and economic excesses. They also want to reduce the military threat posed by our neighbour China while ensuring that China's expanding economy develops in an orderly fashion. I believe these are the instinctive demands of the various nations in the region. This is also a major factor accelerating regional integration.

“As symbolised by the anti-Japanese riots that occurred in China a few years ago, the spread of the Internet has accelerated the integration of nationalism and populism and the emergence of uncontrollable political turbulence is a very real risk…Unlike Europe, the countries of this region differ in their population size, development stage and political systems, and therefore economic integration cannot be achieved over the short term. However, I believe that we should aspire to the move towards regional currency integration as a natural extension of the path of the rapid economic growth begun by Japan, followed by South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong, and then achieved by the Asean nations and China. We must therefore spare no effort to build the permanent security frameworks essential to underpinning currency integration.

“…On the other hand, due to the historical and cultural conflicts existing between the countries of this region, in addition to their conflicting national security interests, we must recognise that there are numerous difficult political issues. The problems of increased militarisation and territorial disputes, which stand in the way of regional integration, cannot be resolved by bilateral negotiations between, for example, Japan and South Korea or Japan and China. The more these problems are discussed bilaterally, the greater the risk that citizen's emotions in each country will become inflamed and nationalism will be intensified. Therefore, somewhat paradoxically, I would suggest that the issues which stand in the way of regional integration can only really be resolved through the process of moving towards greater regional integration. For example, the experience of the EU shows us how regional integration can defuse territorial disputes.

“…Our response to the recent global financial crisis should not be simply to provide the kind of limited support measures previously employed by the IMF and the World Bank. Rather, we should be working towards a possible idea of the future common Asian currency. Establishing a common Asian currency will likely take more than 10 years. For such a single currency to bring about political integration will surely take longer still. Due to the seriousness of the ongoing global economic crisis, some people may wonder why I am taking the time to discuss this seemingly extraneous topic. However, I believe that the more chaotic, unclear and uncertain the problems we face, the higher and greater are the goals to which politicians should lead the people.

“I would like to conclude by quoting the words of Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, the father of the EU, written 85 years ago, when he published Pan-Europa. ‘All great historical ideas started as a utopian dream and ended with reality. Whether a particular idea remains as a utopian dream or it can become reality depends on the number of people who believe in the ideal and their ability to act upon it.’”

The complete essay is available online in Japanese and English at http://www.hatoyama.gr.jp/masscomm/090810.html

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